HAMISH MACDONALD: The rise of China is reshaping the world.
What was a starving nation ravaged by civil war and revolution
What was a starving nation has become a global superpower.
The hunger for a better life was so huge
that they were willing to take enormous risks
that they were willing and make enormous sacrifices.
The whole atmosphere at that time was this kind of hope.
They tried to erase the history, erase human memories,
so Chinese people cannot know their own past.
WOMAN: China is a haunted house.
There are all these weeping ghosts in the air
from all these past tragedies and disasters.
MAN: There is a perfect marriage of communism and capitalism.
When they matched together and created something - wow!
WOMAN: China's not good at soft power.
Plenty of hard power, but in terms of soft power, not so good.
(SCREAMING)
This is exactly why the government
cannot have this generation in their pockets -
because they don't understand us at all.
WOMAN: The only way that you can say
that a return to the motherland WOMAN: The only way that you can say
that a return to the motherland is natural
that a return to the motherland is to completely disregard history.
The rise of China didn't happen overnight.
Its roots reach deep into the past.
And if we want to understand what's happening now...
..we need to dig down into the foundations
of the China Century.
In the late 1970s,
China was reeling In the late 1970s,
China was reeling from a decade of turmoil.
The nation's cult-like ruler, Mao Zedong, was dead.
The nation's cult-like ruler, His Cultural Revolution,
which had radicalised Chinese youth into a frenzy of violence, was over.
The country was emerging from a defensive crouch
The country was emerging and opening its arms.
MAN: After Chairman Mao died, I would call it a transition time.
In the history, you often have dynasty changes.
In the history, There's a period of time
which have extreme freedom
because the new dynasty
doesn't recognise the rules of the past.
The people start to criticise
what happened in China in the past 10 years,
what happened in China writing some articles.
And there's no magazine writing some articles.
And there's no magazine or newspaper,
And there's no magazine so they just post on the wall.
I got into university.
It was the first year of the university reopened
after 10 years of shutdown during the Cultural Revolution.
WOMAN: Deng Xiaoping came to power
and the college entrance exam was reinstated,
so this was, like, the wildest dream come true.
so this was, like, Nobody expected this.
I mean, all of us were
kind of just resigned
to maybe working kind of just resigned
to maybe working in the farm for years
and then maybe the lucky ones will get to the factory,
but no-one expected to get a real higher education.
You sense this general kind of joy
of a society who's been suffering
under this patriarchal governance
and long waiting under this patriarchal governance
and long waiting for a turning point.
So much for the reading aloud. (SPEAKS MANDARIN)
"The children are shouting, 'Help! Help!'
"They don't know what to do."
What do you all think, as young people,
of the war posters, everybody talking freely and so on?
Is it a big surprise to you? No.
You see, in new China, the Constitution said that
every Chinese people has freedom of speech.
every Chinese people We can say anything we like.
Do you go and write war posters? Um, you mean write posters...?
Yes. No, I haven't. (LAUGHS)
Only because I haven't time to, I think, and besides...
(LAUGHTER) Too busy!
But I think many young people in other factories,
But I think many young people they write too many posters.
She's too busy learning English. they write too many posters.
She's too busy learning English. English, yeah.
In November 1978,
a poster wall in Beijing became a political forum
known as the Democracy Wall,
condemning China's recent past and dreaming of its future.
MAN: People were criticising the Party
for being autocratic, being undemocratic.
for being autocratic, They very much saw Mao
as having suffocated They very much saw Mao
as having suffocated all alternative perspectives.
as having suffocated They spoke of China's need
for openness and democracy
if it was going to become
a truly modern society
capable of joining, you know, the family of nations as an equal.
JIANYING ZHA: The Democracy Wall is totally a phenomenon
JIANYING ZHA: The Democracy Wall with the ethos of our generation.
The purpose of the Cultural Revolution
was to instil a kind of revolutionary idealism into us.
Some people were, you know,
being denounced as counter-revolutionaries.
The Red Guards, you know, go around beating up teachers.
I watched my neighbours, um, being beaten to death -
I watched my neighbours, this old man who was an old scholar.
That whole period was this atmosphere
That whole period of such intense ideological thinking
that even though, later, you realised
a lot of it was, you know, a lie,
it still left this feeling that, to have a meaningful life,
you have to fight or work for a greater cause
that's worthy of your idealism.
And so a lot of us begin to embrace new ideals,
such as, you know, freedom and democracy,
also with this fervour
that we're the generation who's going to help change China.
China danced into the 1980s.
Almost all forms of dancing
had been banned during the Cultural Revolution...
..all except for ideological choreography,
..all except for like the so-called 'loyalty dance'
performed to demonstrate one's adoration for Chairman Mao.
But in the '80s, they danced for dancing's sake.
All of us were so excited because this never happened before.
I mean, during the Cultural Revolution,
male students and female students didn't speak to each other.
One of my roommates
actually handmade some bell-bottoms -
actually handmade pants - for four of us,
and so we all went to the dance pants - for four of us,
and so we all went to the dance wearing those bell-bottoms
and so we all went to the dance and we were a real hit.
There were whole waves of fashion and fads
There were whole waves that began to sweep through society.
People very mysteriously started wearing
double-breasted suit jackets, you know, instead of Mao jackets,
and the women started getting their hair permed.
And then discos hit.
You know, it was one thing after another
which made old-fashioned Marxist-Leninists say,
"Oh, boy, there goes the neighbourhood."
"Oh, boy, (SINGS IN MANDARIN)
The 1980s was a decade for the young.
Two-thirds of China's population was under 30.
New leader Deng Xiaoping's policy of reform and opening up
New leader Deng Xiaoping's policy promised them economic transformation
with social and political benefits.
MAN: Open and Reform -
it was the slogan right through the '80s...
..introduced by Deng Xiaoping.
By saying 'open',
he didn't really, like,
vastly open the door of China,
but I guess I will say you can see through a slice
that he opened, maybe even through a window.
The '80s is the time that the whole country felt the hope
and then the promises by the government.
We do feel China is happening toward this direction of real openness.
Deng's famous phrase was that, "You can't not open the window
"because you're afraid of letting a few flies in," right?
He could see that China would not be able to modernise
if it didn't end the Maoist extremism
and open up the way it did during the 1980s.
The trouble is that you can get so many flies and mosquitoes inside,
The trouble is that you can get it's pretty hard to sleep at night,
and I think this is the basic tension in the 1980s -
that tension between reforming
and maintaining this old, retrograde, one-party system,
which depends on propaganda, unity, discipline -
which depends on propaganda, all of these things.
(ALL SING IN MANDARIN)
And, of course, that all came a cropper in 1989.
The 1989 student movement
was initiated demanding political reform.
We want China to go further in the direction
of the promises of Deng Xiaoping.
That's it. "You promised us. We want it."
When the demonstrations started in April,
the whole city of Beijing was transformed
into this kind of ocean of, you know, idealism.
Wu'er Kaixi just kind of burst onto the scene from nowhere.
He had this sort of natural, you know, um, skills
of someone who can rouse the crowd.
(SPEAKS IN MANDARIN)
We were good students (SPEAKS IN MANDARIN)
We were good students of the Communist Party.
They told us that, if you want to come to power,
if you want to get anything done, you need to get organised.
(PROTESTERS CHANT)
When students start to occupy Tiananmen Square,
I start to feel quite excited.
I was in the United States at that time
I was in the United States watching television 24 hours a day.
You see those very innocent faces
and they demanded to have You see those very innocent faces
and they demanded to have some very limited freedom.
and they demanded to have (PROTESTERS SING)
We need to sit down on the same table.
The people's government needs to listen to us.
We have a lot of demands, but the demands must be heard.
Dialogue is the first stage of all our demands.
After four weeks of marches, class boycotts and rallies,
the students' demand for dialogue had not been met.
We decided the only logical next step
is apply more pressure.
Hunger strike seems to be a very logical next move.
When we called, about 2,000-3,000 students answered.
It moved people.
(SIREN WAILS)
Five days after we enter the hunger strike,
Five days after we enter Li Peng, the premier of the regime,
he wants to see us.
Wow. So, maybe this pressure will eventually lead to this showdown,
Wow. So, maybe this pressure will the dialogue we wanted.
ORVILLE SCHELL: Wu'er Kaixi - he'd been hunger-fasting -
arrived in pyjamas with an oxygen pillow and...
Very dramatic.
And they had made an arrangement
that it would be aired live all across the nation.
He came in late, about 20 minutes,
and then he started his monologue, lecturing.
And then I felt, at that time, I needed to cut him off.
It was just Wu'er Kaixi on the stage,
but he, in some ways, is also a true child
of the Cultural Revolution.
But he knows how to confront what he sees as the enemy
or as a rival,
which is, you know, you charge straight at him.
We demand to enter the immediate core of this dialogue.
"Mr Premier, you are not 20 minutes late.
"Mr Premier, "You are one month late."
It really wasn't a dialogue.
It was each side saying to the other,
"Um, OK, you're going to listen to me now."
So, it didn't ever have a great prospect
So, it didn't ever have of working anything out.
And, anyway, the Chinese Communist Party
was never going to yield to these students.
was never going to yield The Party does not share power.
It never has and it never will.
AI WEIWEI: You cannot bargain with the Chinese communist regime.
AI WEIWEI: You cannot bargain with It's impossible.
And they will do anything to crush the people down
if there's any questioning about their legitimacy or control.
Two days after the failed dialogue, the government declared martial law.
Paramount leader Deng Xiaoping had lost patience.
On June 3, he ordered the army to clear the square.
We heard, on the evening of June 3, that the advancing troop
has already started shooting real ammunition.
Already, casualties have occurred.
I couldn't believe that this order was coming from the top -
I couldn't believe that to shoot to kill.
But pretty soon you can understand
the regime have decided to clear the square at all costs.
Actually, at the cost of people's lives.
The rest is the history.
MAN: The loss is immeasurable.
Young people with aspirations,
they thought they were expressing Young people with aspirations,
they thought they were expressing real concerns of the whole country,
and that they were, um, in effect, trying to help.
I think they generally believed that.
But I think, in the present atmosphere, I think they generally believed that.
But I think, in the present atmosphere,
that kind of face and idealism would be very difficult to sustain.
So, I'm afraid,
rather like as a consequence So, I'm afraid,
rather like as a consequence of the Cultural Revolution,
one of the consequences would be similar,
is that a young generation will now become very cynical...
..and very...
..cautious about anything they do or say...
..and, in fact, choosing, in the majority of cases,
to err on the side of caution and security
for their family's safety, for themselves, and so on.
The crackdown of 1989 shattered the dream of China's youth
for a say in their country's future.
Where hope had bloomed, a void set in.
The generation who believed that
they would be the ones to change China
they would be the ones had been changed themselves.
(SHOUTS IN MANDARIN)
A lot of people who, formerly, in the 1980s,
A lot of people who, were politically engaged,
and, of course, especially among the educated -
and, of course, the intellectuals and the artists -
all had to adjust themselves to this new ocean of unknown.
In the 1990s, on the outskirts of the capital,
In the 1990s, where the rents were cheap,
Beijing's artists found a space where the rents were cheap,
Beijing's artists found a space to dream more modestly.
INTERVIEWER: These look like paintings
with a fairly strong political message.
with a fairly strong What do they mean?
Because the memory of the Tiananmen crackdown
was so fresh,
people were very watchful about not touching
the so-called sensitive, you know, topics,
and so the artists had to, you know, either self-censor themselves
by avoiding these topics or only expressing them in codes.
Why are there so many smiling faces?
(ARTIST LAUGHS) What about this one here?
Why is Tiananmen upside down and Mao the right way up?
If you wanted to paint paintings with a strong political message,
do you think you'd be free to do that?
In the '90s in China, politics and ideals were out.
Laying low and making money were in.
AI WEIWEI: Everybody in China,
from the top, you know, the leadership,
to the villager, they all want to become rich,
and they all do all kind of unthinkable things
to become rich.
NEWSREADER: Zheng Xinqing left a desk job
to sell detergent to China's rising middle class
for that entrepreneurial icon Amway, short for the 'American Way'.
Today, he does more than sell products.
He sells the dream itself.
ORVILLE SCHELL: There were all these American companies
rushing in to China,
and you got these kind of frothy, heady joint ventures,
and you got these kind of frothy, and the oddest things were going on.
(SPEAKS IN MANDARIN)
JIANYING ZHA: In the wake of a disaster that you can't control,
you have this feeling of, you know, fatalism...
..that, "Now I better just make the best of
"whatever is available and allowed."
The popular phrase of the day was 'jumping into the sea'.
If you can swim, you hopefully will survive and make a fortune.
This was the atmosphere in the early '90s...
..the junkie atmosphere,
where commerce and escapism were all happening.
(APPLAUSE)
But I think, deep down, that wears out after some time
and people realise there is still this sort of hollowness...
..a certain spiritual thirst that was not being filled out.
(BOTH CONVERSE IN MANDARIN)
When I got to China in the 1990s, religion was a massive story.
The whole spiritual side of China was fascinating to me.
The whole spiritual side of China (SHOUTS, VOCALISES)
This 54-year-old housewife claims she's a spirit medium,
and for a price, she will read your future.
and for a price, (SPEAKS IN MANDARIN)
She believes her body has been possessed
by the spirit of a local Daoist god named Heavenly Lord Zhao.
by the spirit of a local Daoist god (SHOUTS, VOCALISES)
Chun Rong Chin's husband is out of work.
She has a sick infant and can't make ends meet.
As people are seeing this huge amount of change
and development happening around them,
sometimes, it's very uneven, sometimes, it's very unfair,
and I think people were hungry for belief.
(CHANTING)
A spiritual revival gripped China in the 1990s
as Chinese re-embraced practices
that had been outlawed during the Cultural Revolution.
JIANYING ZHA: Most of the Chinese people,
including the Party leaders themselves,
including have basically come to realise
that the communist ideology -
that was a form of state religion, that the communist ideology -
that was a form of state religion, really - was empty.
It went bankrupt.
And so we searched for alternatives.
(WOMEN SING)
(CONGREGATION SINGS)
The Chinese Communist Party tried to accommodate
this huge resurgence in belief
by setting up organisations to control religion.
So, they wanted religion to grow under its auspices.
They set up bodies to oversee the Church -
the Chinese Protestant organisation,
the Patriotic Catholic Association.
But, of course, the head of that church wasn't the Pope.
But, of course, the head It was some guy in China.
(CONGREGATION SINGS)
I think they recognise that allowing (CONGREGATION SINGS)
I think they recognise that allowing some kind of religious belief
I think they recognise that allowing does take a certain pressure off,
but then people started to develop things called home churches,
which were outside of the structure, that made the Party very wary.
which were outside of the structure, (SPEAKS IN MANDARIN)
Do you think the Party wants to control religion?
The thing about house churches
is that these were people who wanted to worship their way
and they wanted their own brand of teaching.
And as we know, China fears powerful individuals
who can possibly influence large numbers of people,
and, of course, very symptomatic of that
was the rise of Falun Gong.
Falun Gong combined a New Age philosophy of self-healing
with the traditional Chinese meditation practice
with the traditional of qigong.
The Chinese government saw Falun Gong as a threat
because the guy who'd set it up, Li Hongzhi - Master Li -
because the guy who'd set it up, he was once feted by
the Chinese qigong establishment, he was once feted by
the Chinese qigong establishment, if you like.
(APPLAUSE)
But he left China, and so he became this entity
that was trying to control followers,
practitioners from outside China.
That's always a big issue for the Chinese Communist Party.
They don't want someone from outside controlling practitioners,
but, of course, the internet was well and truly established by then,
and he could do that.
JIANYING ZHA: Master Li definitely was a quite brilliant,
um, spiritual entrepreneur.
And you didn't see the scale of the organisation
and the determination of its members until this incident.
In April 1999,
in response to mounting criticism In April 1999,
in response to mounting criticism of Falun Gong,
more than 10,000 of its followers staged a silent protest
around Communist Party headquarters in Beijing.
Lines of people ringed the central leadership compound.
Nobody was speaking. No-one said a word.
It would have to be one of the eeriest days
I've ever had as a correspondent.
ORVILLE SCHELL: That really scared them,
and that was the beginning of the banishment
of Falun Gong from China.
In July 1999,
the government declared Falun Gong a dangerous cult
and launched a campaign to eradicate the group from China
through a combination of imprisonment, execution,
and forced re-education.
The Communist Party is the biggest cult in China,
so when the cult sees another cult,
it, you know, immediately recognised what it is.
(SPEAKS IN MANDARIN)
It's exactly the same ritual.
You always have to go through all this intense study
and emerge embracing the Party.
And then you have to publicly renounce
And then you have your past wrong belief.
Since then, of course,
any religious practice that might be labelled as a cult,
the Party's impulse is
to pull the legs out from under them.
In later times,
we see certain businesses that get to be...
..have almost a cult figure, or at least a founder,
that's so famous and so powerful and so influential
that's so famous and so powerful that they get to be a threat.
(EXHALES SHARPLY)
(SPEAKS IN MANDARIN)
No matter whatever changes,
every government, every people No matter whatever changes,
every government, every people love to have a business,
to see the prosperity of the business, right?
You may have political problems here and there,
but nobody wants to have business problems.
Alibaba is going to have business.
What we saw in the early days of the internet in China,
What we saw in the early days early part of this century
as the China boom began to come to the fore...
..people like Jack Ma, they were considered
what China call 'national champions'...
..because China needed this kind of energy.
They recognised they needed the internet
for innovation purposes,
but on the other hand, they recognised that
it could be tremendously deleterious to their ability to control things.
AI WEIWEI: I started to touch a computer around 2005,
AI WEIWEI: I started writing my blog.
Immediately, I fall in love with the internet,
only because, in China,
it is so rare for anybody to speak out.
Now you have this technology every day
where you really have a daily riot
on the internet.
You know, I was so happy.
I said, "Why we have to walk You know, I was so happy.
I said, "Why we have to walk on the street or a square?"
I said, "Why we have to walk You know, very easy.
You can have a riot just immediately.
You know, people respond to it. Everybody discuss about it.
I used to think, "Give me three years.
I used to think, "Everything will change."
In that time, China's government still haven't figured out
how to do the censorship very well.
They don't know how to deal with these kind of blogs.
(CAR HORN HONKS)
The bloggers are individuals who are able to write about issues
they're passionate about, they're concerned,
they're passionate about, and not assigned to them.
Some of these bloggers actually went out to the rural areas
to cover certain issues actually went out to the rural areas
to cover certain issues
that was falling outside the coverage of state media.
(METALLIC BANGING) (SHOUTS IN MANDARIN)
(BOTH CONVERSE IN MANDARIN)
Zhang Shihe left a job in advertising to blog about China's underclass.
(SPEAKS IN MANDARIN)
Zhang was part of a shift in the mid-2000s
when many of China's activists and dissidents moved online.
JIANYING ZHA: There were people who would be covering, you know,
like, corruption of local officials
or how the environmental effects on some of these local people
by polluted waters from the state factories.
As part of its bid for the 2008 Olympics,
As part of its bid the Chinese government had promised
to make improvements in human rights and civil liberties.
Online dissidents claimed what it delivered
was a facade of social harmony maintained by censorship.
AI WEIWEI: Everybody is waiting for Olympics
to show the world we are speaking the same language.
You know, they welcome the world to come to China,
to glamorise the whole achievement of the Communist Party.
I was involved in designing
the so-called Bird's Nest, the National Stadium,
and I realised that,
about a year before the opening - 2008 - on my block,
I announced I'm not going to be part of this propaganda.
China's ancient offline version of calling out official wrongdoing
China's ancient offline version is known as the petition system.
Petitioners travel is known as the petition system.
Petitioners travel to provincial offices
and wait their turn to air their grievances.
and wait their turn Many are never heard.
In the lead-up to the Beijing Olympics,
many petitioners were arrested or jailed.
Before hosting the Olympics,
the Chinese Communist Party have been very careful
in controlling its own image for the outside world.
And the absolute obsession was unity - a top-down unity -
that all Chinese have to be united around a state agenda.
MAN: Millions of petitioners
have been removed from Beijing because of Olympics,
have been removed from Beijing and dissidents and freelance writers
have been put into jail
because they publish articles on a website.
We are not here to celebrate. The Chinese people are suffering.
The...
(CROWD SHOUTS LOUDLY)
CROWD: (CHANTS) Traitor! Traitor! Traitor! Traitor! Traitor!
(CROWD SHOUTS LOUDLY)
CROWD: (CHANTS) One China! One China! One China! One China!
Three months before the opening
of the Olympic Games,
a devastating earthquake of the Olympic Games,
a devastating earthquake hit Sichuan province.
Up to 90,000 people were killed or disappeared,
Up to 90,000 people among them thousands of children.
A disproportionate number of the buildings that collapsed
A disproportionate number were state-funded schools.
JIANYING ZHA: Immediately after the earthquake,
the government were welcoming outside support and coverage,
but that window quickly was shut down
because once the government realised
the investigation was revealing deeper problems,
corrupt enforcement of these school constructions,
and also some of the parents were quite loud and insistent
and also some of the parents in having a proper investigation...
..this was too much for the government.
Thousands of students dead,
but the state will never release those names...
..so I made a so-called citizen investigation.
What we find out through our investigation
What we find out is there's huge corruption,
so they want to stop you to investigate.
Police arrest us around a few dozen times,
and they would delete our research, delete our photos or videos.
But still we managed, after almost a one-year effort,
But still we managed, to locate 5,219 students -
name, birthday, to locate 5,219 students -
name, birthday, their family address,
name, birthday, you know, their parents.
Every day, I'm posting the new findings on my blog,
till, one day, they shut it off.
They cannot bear it anymore.
In September 2008,
a government committee admitted that poor construction
may have contributed to the collapse of schools.
The government has denied allegations of corruption
and refused to make an official apology.
The Communist Party has made so many horrible mistakes
in its history with the early purges,
in its history the Great Famine of the 1960s,
with the Cultural Revolution, the Great Famine of the 1960s,
with the Cultural Revolution, the deaths of millions.
There are so many skeletons in the Party's closet
that it cannot apologise for anything.
In the Chinese patriarchal mind,
if a father admits he's wrong,
it loses authority if a father admits he's wrong,
it loses authority in the eyes of all children.
You weigh that against
adding a few more skeletons in the closet...
..it's a no-brainer.
You have a large closet you keep on putting it in...
..but it's still your closet.
You're still the master of the house.
I mean, China is, in fact, a haunted house.
There are all these weeping ghosts in the air
from all these past tragedies and disasters,
but it has no real way of turning the house upside down,
you know, because the monster is still running the house.
Since 2012, China's master has been Xi Jinping,
a strongman ruler who has purged his rivals,
a strongman ruler centralised power in his own hands,
and removed the term limit on his presidency.
Xi's autocratic style has led to comparisons with Mao.
He's the only leader other than Mao
to have his own thought enshrined in the Constitution
within his lifetime.
Can he command the same cult-like loyalty
Can he command to turn his vision into reality?
I think what we see under Xi Jinping is a recrudescence
I think what we see under Xi Jinping of that sort of genetic material
that Mao Zedong left on the Chinese genome,
and it's re-expressing itself.
He came of age during the Cultural Revolution.
That's where he acquired his tool kit.
The signature policy of Xi's presidency
The signature policy is what he calls the China Dream -
the dream of a powerful, is what he calls the China Dream -
the dream of a powerful, prosperous and beautiful nation
that Xi insists is the shared dream of all Chinese people.
The China Dream is grand indeed...
..but it is an incomplete dream.
I do not think we should detract one iota
from the part of the dream that they have accomplished,
which is the dream of China becoming
materially wealthier and powerful,
and it should be acclaimed.
The part of the dream, I think, which is still missing...
..is on the non-material side,
whether it's literature, ..is on the non-material side,
whether it's literature, art, religion -
this realm of what we might call 'spiritual'
this realm of or 'other than material'.
And this is precisely because that interior realm
of any human being is highly individual
of any human being and it can be highly insubordinate -
all of the things and it can be highly insubordinate -
all of the things which the Party has never esteemed.
all of the things (CONGREGATION SINGS)
For more than 2,000 years,
China had a long and glorious tradition
China had a long that you could say is spiritual,
but it was never somehow able
to kind of break the shackle of the orthodox
that you have to accept the system, you have to live with it,
that you have to accept the system, and this perhaps is in our DNA.
This is the Chinese way.
I don't think most Chinese people feel
that there's really a big need to change the system
because the system is what got us here.
We're now powerful and prosperous,
so the Communist Party was the right leader...
..the strong father.
When you say to people,
"You need to break out and try to, say, jump in the ocean,
"swim into the unknown, which has the name of liberty"...
..they think you're crazy,
they think you're, you know, trying to kill them...
..especially in the context of
a period of, you know, Western problems.
If, one day, there's enough of them who say,
"Look, I want a different way of life,
"I want more than this,"
then maybe that's the time for change.
Only the Chinese people can decide what they want
and where they want their country to go.
Next time, in The China Century,
the cost of China's economic miracle. Next time, in The China Century,
the cost of China's economic miracle.
MAN: There is a deal of money and power,
a perfect marriage -
evil perfect marriage - of communism and capitalism.
When they matched together and created something - wow!
Captions by Red Bee Media
Copyright Australian Broadcasting Corporation